For permission to use or duplicate this manuscript, please contact Vanessa Jackson P.O. Box 10796,Atlanta, GA 30310 The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the Center for Mental Health Services (CMHS), Substance Abuse Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), or the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).
Julius Green and Michelle Jackson
whose lives and deaths remind me of the continued need to tell the truth about suicide in the African-American community.
The author recognizes that language is important and political. Those of us who havebeen labeled by the psychiatric community have been denied a choice in how we arepresented to the world. Through our liberation struggles, we have created our ownidentities as consumers, survivors and ex-patients, users and recipients. For the purposeof this tool-kit, I will use the term survivors to describe individuals who have received apsychiatric label. In describing what mental health professionals describe as mentalillness, I will use the terms mental illness, emotional distress or any term used by aninterviewee.
As a child, I frequently dodged the bricks thrown by my elderly great-grandmother, a small, dark, wirywoman, as she guarded her front porch. By professional standards, my Grandma Etta was probably mentallyill, suffering from extreme paranoia and an intense hatred of white people. On the days that I could getclose to her,I could hear her muttering about blue eye devils and her favorite target of attack was a blond-hair,blue-eyed teacher who frequented my family's restaurant, which unfortunately was attached to her house. Inher mid-seventies, my great-grandmother was moved to a nursing home after it was determined that she wascompletely blind (and probably had been for some time). She died less than two weeks after being admittedto the nursing home. Her death did not surprise me because I could not imagine her being contained in anyspace that she did not control.
I was young then, wrapped up in my own life and struggling with the embarrassment I felt when people made fun of Grandma Etta by calling her "crazy." It was years later that I began to look through boxes offamily pictures and see the world of rural Missouri where she grew up. I really thought about the fairnessof my grandmother's skin and wondered if there was some connection with my great-grandmother's hatredof "blue-eyed devils." I visited her hometown many years later—afraid to get out of my car in this rural,white world—and wondered how her "paranoia"may have kept her safe in this hostile territory.
I start with my grandmother's story because it reminds me of the importance of understanding a person's history before judging behavior. Context is everything, and that is a poorly understood principle in thehistory of psychiatric treatment.Grandma Etta escaped the oppression of a psychiatric label and the treatmentsthat are frequently imposed after the labeling process. Other members of my family, myself included, werenot so lucky. I offer libations to Grandma Etta for escaping the bonds of psychiatric labeling and to my sister,Michelle Yvette Jackson, who was not so lucky and who committed suicide in June1984 after a four-yearstruggle with depression and life.
Alice Walker, in her poem, Dedication (Walker1991, p. 313), reminds us of the need to collect all of the threads of our past when we sit down to create a quilt that represents the lives of African-American people.
This excerpt from that poem captures for me the need for us to hear and value all stories as we continue tomove forward in our struggle to liberate and heal those of us who identify as African-American mentalhealth consumer/survivors /ex-patients.
"Rest in peace. The meaning of your livesis stillunfolding. Rest in peace.
In me the meaning of your lives is stillunfolding.
Rest in peace, in me.
The meaning of your lives is stillunfolding.
Rest. In methe meaning of your lives is stillunfolding Rest. In peacein methe meaning of our livesis stillunfolding. The telling of stories has been an integral part of the history of people of African descent. From the griots of ancient African to the sometimes painful lyrics of hip-hop artists, people of African descent have knownthat our lives and our stories must be spoken, over and over again, so that the people will know our truth.
History, or at least the official record, is always the history of the dominant group. In America, the history of mental illness had traditionally been told in a voice that is white, rich, heterosexual, middle-aged, medical/professional and, of course, certifiably sane.This version of history has African- Americans as incapable ofsufficient humanity to experience a mental crisis or rendered mentally ill by freedom or financial security.
The official version, if it acknowledges our existence at all, tends to include us as a footnote or as a fadedphotograph. Rarely are our stories told of our lives before, during and after our mental health treatment. InOur Own Voice: African-American Stories of Oppression, Survival and Recovery In Mental Health Systems is arevolutionary act of self-love and a demand for visibility for African-American psychiatric survivors.We willacknowledge the painful truth that our invisibility has not been limited to the pages of history but is aliveand well in our families and communities.As we listen to the voices of the men and women who shared their stories we will hear the profound pain caused by mentalism and discrimination in our most importantrelationships, including our relationships with mental health providers.This guide and the sharing andconnections that I hope will emerge from its use, will provide us with an opportunity as survivors to ownour wounding and recovery and offer our experiences as lessons to our community on survival and triumph.
As I was preparing to write this introduction,I spoke with the daughter of one of the women interviewed as part of the oral history project.The daughter recounted her mother's delight at being asked about her history
as a psychiatric survivor. I was humbled by the mother's response because I knew that it came out of a long
history of being continuously asked about symptoms but never about her life. I remembered the interview
and my amazement at this incredible woman's courage and resilience as she struggled with mental illness as
a working class Black woman in a rich, white resort town in the1950s.This conversation reminded me of
the primary value of collecting history, especially oral history—the power of "restorying," or restoring our
lives to a state of wholeness.Therapy has been a poor attempt at giving people the space to put their lives
in context and the power to bold or underline the events and people that we feel are important to us. In
Our Own Voice
challenges each of us to take responsibility, if only by sharing our own story of survival and
recovery, of creating a history that truly speaks in our own voice.
This guide is divided into four sections:
• Chapter I will provide some historical highlights regarding African-American survivors and mental health treatment in America.
• Chapter II will explore the themes shared in the oral histories collected in this initial phase of the project and provide a guide to collection oral history in your community.
• Chapter III will provide strategies for using history projects as a tool for personal and community heal- ing and social change.
• Chapter IV will include resources to assist you in starting your own history project.
Chapter I: Freedom Made Us Nuts A review of the history of mental health includes few references to the African-American experience. RobertMeinsma's Brief History of Mental Therapy offers a review of philosophical and medical views on mental illnessdating back to 600 BC that includes nearly a thousand entries. However, this very comprehensive documentboasts fewer than five entries pertaining to the experiences of people of African descent.A similar criticismcan be offered of the timeline compiled by the American Psychological Association (Street, 2001).African-Americans have a presence in America dating back to at least1619 when the first African indentured servantsarrived in America (Bennett1993).This chapter attempts to supplement the official records by offering afew accounts of African-American psychiatric survivors' experiences, and the philosophy and policies thatguided the treatment of our ancestors and which still influence our treatment today.
A review of the history of African-American psychiatric survivors would quickly disabuse a reader of the notion that the process of recording history is apolitical. One of the earliest records dealing with the issue of insanity among African-Americans was in1745 when the South Carolina Colonial assembly took up thecase of Kate, a slave woman, who had been accused of killing a child.After being placed in the local jail, itwas determined that Kate was "out of her Senses" and she was not brought to trial. However, the problemof how to care for Kate was an issue since her owner was too poor to pay for her confinement and SouthCarolina had made no provision for the public maintenance of slaves. Ultimately, the colonial assemblypassed an act that made each parish in the colony responsible for the public maintenance of lunatic slaveswhose owners were unable to care for them (McCandless,1997). Not surprisingly, there is no furtherrecord of what happened to Kate or what circumstances led to the murder of the child.
Scientific Racism Benjamin Rush, MD, Benjamin Rush, MD (1746–1813), signer of the Declaration described Negroes as of Independence, Dean of the Medical School at the University suffering from an affliction of Pennsylvania and the "Father of American Psychiatry,"described Negroes as suffering from an affliction called called Negritude, which Negritude, which was thought to be a mild form of leprosy.
was thought to be a mild The only cure for the disorder was to become white. It is form of leprosy. The only unclear as to how many cases of Negritude were successfully cure for the disorder was treated.The irony of Dr. Rush's medical observations was that to become white. he was a leading mental health reformer and co-founder of the first anti-slavery society in America. Dr. Rush's portrait stilladorns the official seal of the American Psychiatric Association. However, Dr Rush's observation—"TheAfricans become insane, we are told, in some instances, soon after they enter upon the toils of perpetualslavery in the West Indies"—is not often cited in discussions of mental illness and African-Americans, how-ever valuable it might be in understanding the traumatic impact of enslavement and oppression onAfricans and their descendants. (Rush,1813, p. 41) In1851, Dr. Samuel Cartwright, a prominent Louisiana physician and one of the leading authorities in his time on the medical care of Negroes, identified two mental disorders peculiar to slaves. Drapetomia, orthe disease causing Negroes to run away, was noted as a condition,"unknown to our medical authorities,although its diagnostic symptom, the absconding from service, is well known to our planters and overseers."(Cartwright, 2001, p.1) Dr. Cartwright observed,"The cause in most cases, that induces the Negro to run away from service, is such a disease of the mind as in any other species of alienation, and much more curable,as a general rule." (Cartwright, 2001, p.1) Dr. Cartwright was so helpful as to identify preventive measures fordealing with potential cases of drapetomania. Slaves showing incipient drapetomania, reflected in sulky anddissatisfied behavior should be whipped—strictly as a therapeutic early intervention. Planter and overseerswere encouraged to utilize whipping as the primary intervention once the disease had progressed to thestage of actually running away. Overall, Cartwright suggested that Negroes should be kept in a submissivestate and treated like children, with "care, kindness, attention and humanity, to prevent and cure them fromrunning away." (Cartwright, 2001, p.1) Dr. Cartwright also diagnosed Dysaethesia Aethiopica, or "hebetude of the mind and obtuse sensibility of the body— Dr. Cartwright was so a disease peculiar to Negroes called by overseers—Rascality." helpful as to identify (Cartwright, 2001, p. 2) Dysethesia Aethiopica differed from preventive measures other species of mental disease since physical signs and lesions for dealing with potential accompanied it.The ever-resourceful Dr. Cartwright determined cases of drapetomania.
that whipping could also cure this disorder. Of course, onewonders if the whipping were not the cause of the "lesions" that Slaves showing incipient confirmed the diagnosis. Not surprisingly, Dr. Cartwright was a drapetomania, reflected leading thinker in the pro-slavery movement. Dr. Cartwright, in in sulky and dissatisfied his article "Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race," chided behavior should be his anti-slavery colleagues by noting "The northern physicians and whipped — strictly as people have noticed the symptoms, but not the disease from a therapeutic early which they spring.They ignorantly attribute the symptoms to the debasing influence of slavery on the mind without consideringthat those who have never been in slavery, or their fathers before them, are the most afflicted, and the latest from the slave-holding south the least.The disease is the natural offspring of Negro liberty—the liberty to be idle, to wallow in filth,and to indulge in improper food and drinks." (Cartwright, 2001, p. 3) Drapetomania and Dysethesia Aethiopica could be relegated to obscurity along with the spinning chair and other ridiculous assumptions about mental illness and its treatment if African-Americans were not constantlyassaulted by updated efforts to put social and economic issues into a medical framework that emphasizes our"pathology." In the late1960s,Vernon Mark,William Sweet and Frank Ervin suggested that urban violence,which most African-Americans perceived as a reaction to oppression, poverty and state-sponsored economicand physical violence against us, was actually due to "brain dysfunction," and recommended the use ofpsychosurgery to prevent outbreaks of violence (Mason,1973). Clearly, the spirit of Dr. Cartwright was alive,well and receiving federal research grants. Drs.Alvin Poussaint and Peter Breggin were two outspokenopponents of the updated "Drapetomania" theory, along with hundreds of psychiatric survivors who took tothe streets to protest psychosurgery abuses.The issue of brain dysfunction as a cause of poor social conditions inAfrican-American and Latino communities continues to crop up in the federally funded Violence Initiativesof the1990s (Breggin,1998) and current calls for psychiatric screening for all children entering juvenile justicefacilities. Exposing scientific racism is essential to protecting us from further psychiatric abuses and facilitatingresolution of social, political and economic problems without blaming the victims of oppression.
In1895, Dr.T.O. Powell, Superintendent of the Georgia Lunatic Asylum, reported an alarming increase in insanity and consumption among Negroes in Georgia. Dr. Powell noted that these conditions were virtuallyunheard of among Negroes up to1860.A comparison of census records between1860 and1890 showed thatinsanity among Negroes had increased from one in10,584 to one in 943. Dr. Powell believed that the hygienic and structured lives led by slaves served as protective factors against consumption and insanity.
According to Dr. Powell,"Freedom, however, removed all hygienic restraints, and they were no longer obedientto the inexorable laws of health, plunging into all sort of excesses and vices, leading irregular lives, and havingapparently little or no control over their appetites and passions." (Powell,1895, p. 5) To sum it up, freedommade us nuts.Apparently, Powell failed to factor abject poverty, further disruption of family and kinship ties,racism, and terrorism into the high rates of insanity.
The1840 census revealed dramatically increased rates of insanity among free blacks.African-American physician James Exposing scientific racism McCune Smith challenged the findings of1840 census, which is essential to protecting was frequently used by pro-slavery writers to confirm that us from further psychiatric enslavement was beneficial to slaves. Dr. Smith wrote,"Freedom abuses and facilitating has not made us ‘mad.' It has strengthened our minds by throwing resolution of social, political us upon our own resources." (Gamwell and Tomes,1995, p.102).
and economic problems What role did the need for cheap labor to staff psychiatric without blaming the victims hospitals play in the incarceration of former slaves? The GeorgiaLunatic Asylum, which would come to be known as the largest of oppression.
lunatic asylum in the word, was operated exclusively by slave labor from1841–1847, when the first white attendants were hired (Cranford,1998).The slave attendants and help-patients were a critical adjunct to hospital staff. Other factorsthat may have influenced the rates of insanity following the Civil War were starvation and poor nutrition,which led to pellagra, a niacin deficiency with symptoms of loss of appetite, irritability and mental confusion.
This disease disproportionately affected poor and displaced former slaves.
The Colored Hospital African-Americans were frequently housed in public (as opposed to private) facilities such as the poorhouse,jail or the insane asylum.These facilities almost always had substandard conditions. If conditions in thefacility were poor for white patients, conditions were completely inhumane for African-American patients.
For instance, one of the first patients admitted to the South Carolina Lunatic Asylum in1829 was a fourteen-year-old slave named Jefferson.Jefferson's name was not recorded in the admission book and he was reportedlyhoused in the yard.The young slave was admitted as a favor to his owner since the facility did not officiallyreceive blacks (McCandless,1996, p. 76).
The issue of housing Black and white mental patients in the same facility was a struggle in both Northern and Southern States since many leading mental health experts felt that it undermined the mental health ofwhite patients to be housed with African-Americans.The distress of having Blacks and white patients in closeproximity to one another was balanced by the unwillingness to fund segregated facilities for black patients.
In March1875,the North Carolina General Assembly appropriated $10,000 to build a colored insane asylum (Powell,1879).The Eastern Asylum for the Colored Insane was opened in1880 with accommodations forfour hundred and twenty patients.The facility at Goldsboro underwent several name changes throughoutits history and remains in operation as a psychiatric facility. In1925, Junius Wilson, a seventeen-year-old,deaf and mute black man was accused of rape, castrated and remanded for incarceration at Goldsboro by a"lunacy jury."The rape charges were eventually dropped in the1970s and at some point authorities realizedthat Mr.Wilson was neither mentally ill nor retarded—simply hearing impaired. In1994, at the age of 86, Mr.Wilson was moved to a cottage on the grounds of the facility (now known as the Cherry Hospital).Themove to the cottage was the state's effort to make up for Mr.Wilson's 72-year incarceration. He died there inMarch of 2001. (The Charlotte Observer, March 21, 2001).
Virginia established an asylum for the "colored insane" in Petersburg that received its first patients in April1885.At that time there were approximately four hundred "insane Negroes" in the state, all of whomwere cared for in the Petersburg facility (Powell,1879, p.16). Apparently little concern was given to the abilityof family and friends throughout the state to visit their loved ones at the facility that was so far from homefor so many.
The Alabama Insane Hospital was not for the exclusive use of African-Americans, but to accommodate the increasing number It is interesting to note that of African-American patients, separate facilities were created on the positive presentation the grounds. In1897, Dr.T.O. Powell reported that the Alabama of the "colony farm" facility had about three hundred and fifty African-Americanpatients.The facility maintained a "colony" of one hundred obscures the reality that African-American men about two miles from the main facility.
the primary "treatment" Dr. Powell noted,"They are contented, are the healthiest class provided to these African- of patients under this management and by their farm labor American male patients was contribute to the support of the institution." (Powell,1879, p. 41) hard physical labor.
It is interesting to note that the positive presentation of the "colony farm" obscures the reality that the primary "treatment"provided to these African-American male patients was hard physical labor. It seems odd that individualswho had been incarcerated in an asylum due to their insanity were able perform tasks that must haverequired some degree of skill and focus.
Dr. James Lawrence Thompson, in his memoir of life at the South Carolina State Hospital, noted "It was customary to employ as many of the patients as possible—those who were in condition to work—both maleand female, white and colored.The white females would make beds, sweep the floors, sew, work in the kitchenand even sweep the yards.The colored females would work on the wards in various ways and in the laundry.
The colored males did most of the rough work, such as working on the farm, cutting wood and the like.Thewhite males were somewhat handicapped in their work as it was not customary to have the white and coloredmales working together and we did not have land enough to have the white males work on the farm, hencethey were confined to work mostly in cleaning up the yards and moving trash from about the building."(Thompson,1934, p. 7) Perhaps patients, both African-American and white, could have benefited more fromthe restorative power of gainful employment provided in their own communities and with adequate financialcompensation.
The state of Maryland opened its hospital for the colored insane in1911near Crownsville, MD.The first patients were composed of12 patients from the Spring Grove facility and112 inmates from jails or otherasylums.The inmates, who lived in a temporary camp while they began to clear the land and operate thefarm, built the facility. It was noted that Dr. Robert Winterode decided to "entrust" the patients with axesand tools to complete the construction. Prior to the opening of the Crownsville facility,African-Americanpatients were housed in segregated facilities on other facilities and in local jails.At the turn of the century,African-American males at Maryland's Spring Grove facility often spent up to eight months living in tents,made with patient labor, on the grounds.A cottage for African-American females was completed at SpringGrove in1906. (Spring Grove on-line reference) In1919, Rusk State Penitentiary in Texas was turned into a hospital for the "Negro insane."The facility achieved notoriety when, on April16,1955, a group of African-American prisoners in the maximum-securityunit rebelled and took over the hospital for five hours.The rebellion was led by nineteen-year-old Ben Riley,who articulated inmate demands for better counseling, organized exercise periods, an end to prisoner beatings,and that all inmates have the same rights enjoyed by the white inmates regarding meals,bathing and freedom ofmovement. (Texas Rangers on-line reference) The article in the Austin Statesman reflects the power of havingcontrol of the media: it stated that the prisoners had "no specific complaints," and described Ben Riley asthe "leader of the gang of criminally insane Negroes" and as someone who "likes to exhibit his muscles."(Lloyd,1955) Readers get the sense that the reporter was barely restraining himself from calling the youngleader a "big Black buck."The Austin Statesman's article is accompanied by a photo of a shirtless Riley witha caption that notes that the man was pointing to scars on another inmate that were reportedly caused by abeating. Is it possible that Riley was not just taking the opportunity to "exhibit his body" but was showinghis own scars? During the siege, the inmates reportedly hooked the hospital superintendent up to the electroshock machine and attempted to During the siege, the deliver maximum voltage to him.The superintendent escaped inmates reportedly hooked injury when the inmates pushed the right button but failed to set the hospital superintendent the spring correctly. (Sitton,1999, p.112) In her well researched up to the electroshock book on the Texas State Lunatic Asylum, it is notable that authorSarah Sitton fails to note that Rusk State Hospital was established machine and attempted to to serve African-American patients. Sitton is very sympathetic to deliver maximum voltage the plight of attendants dealing with threats of violence from to him. The superintendent African-American prisoners but shows little concern for the escaped injury when the violence perpetrated against African-American inmates.
inmates pushed the right This section is not intended to imply that the only place where button but failed to set the African-Americans experienced the psychiatric system was within spring correctly.
facilities.The history of institutional-based treatment is simply better documented than other interventions provided to—orabuses perpetrated against—African-American psychiatric survivors.There is a rich history regarding natural healing and spirituality that needs further explorationto fully understand the efforts used in the community to honor and heal mental illness and trauma reactions.
African-American Resistance to Psychiatric Oppression Ben Riley's rebellion was not an isolated instance of resistance to psychiatric abuse. I was appalled by the all-white panel assembled for the 2000 Alternatives Conference, a psychiatric survivor empowerment conference,to discuss the history of the psychiatric liberation movement. Had people of color been patiently waiting fortheir white brothers and sisters to liberate them? Or had we once again been left out of the official record? Luisah Teish is an African-American activist, priestess, psychiatric survivor and author who co-edited the 1976 Third World Issue of Madness Network News.The special issue included Teish's article,"That Nigger'sCrazy," which highlighted scientific racism from Samuel Cartwright to Shockley and Jenson. She notes,"Weknow that if sanity is defined by white upper-middle class standards then we are in grave danger. It is veryeasy at this time, when Third World people are seeking our own identities, to say,‘That Nigger's Crazy…LOCK HIM UP!' " (Teish, Madness Network News).
In her book Jambalaya, Ms.Teish reflects on an incident in which she loses all hope and literally drifts I call this experience my nervous breakthrough. Prior to it, I was literally out of my mind. For amonth I was quiet as a church mouse all day, and I screamed all night that I was captive onthis planet and did not want to be here. I was strung out on doctor-prescribed dope and poisonand under the influence of people who themselves were frightened and powerless. Like manyothers, I made the mistake of judging my worth by the paper in my pocket and arrogantlyrejected the beauty of the flowers. I wanted to be an asset to my community, to contemplate the meaning of existence and pro- duce beauty. But literally everything in the society told me I was a useless nigger wench. I wassomeone who was best forgotten and destined to be destroyed. I was caught between my soul'sdesires and society's dictates. Thank Goddess, my sister, Safi, was confident that I would come through it, so she did not call for ‘the man' in the white coats. Since then I have worked as a mental patient's advocate, and I maintain that many people in our state institutions are really in spiritual crises.The addition of mind-melting drugs makestheir breakdown almost inevitable. (Teish,1985, pp. 39–40).
Ms.Teish offers a political and spiritual analysis on mental illness that is rarely considered within clinicalsettings. She offers a re-connection with traditional healing practices to help us turn the medical "nervousbreakdown" into a spiritual and political "nervous breakthrough".
The plight of African-American males in the psychiatric system is vividly captured in Hurry Tomorrow, a shocking documentaryof conditions at Metropolitan Hospital in Norwalk, California.
"We know that if sanity is (Cohen and Rafferty,1975) In one scene, an assertive, young defined by white upper- African-American male is trying to explain to an all-white clinical middle class standards then team his reality as a poor, Black man. He is mocked by the we are in grave danger. It is psychiatrist and lined up for Thorazine injections. Later in the very easy at this time, when film we see him shuffling through the cafeteria line barely able Third World people are to hold his tray due to over-medication. It is a chilling scene seeking our own identities, of the suppression of the activist voice and it is done away frompublic view and protected by confidentiality laws that serve to to say, ‘That Nigger's protect mental health providers more than it ever protected Crazy…LOCK HIM UP!' " The official record ignores the activism of Goldie Marks of Toccoa, Georgia, past president of the Georgia Mental HealthConsumer Network, who continues to advocate for herself and other mental health consumers. In heroral history interview, Ms. Marks recounts her attempt to elude her counselor and the police to avoidinvoluntary hospitalization following a statement of despair that was misinterpreted as a suicidal threat. Sheshared her story of surviving nine months in Central State Hospital and her continuing fight to secure hermedical records related to that hospitalization. (G. Marks, personal communication, 8/23/2000) Ms.
Marks worked with other Georgia consumer/survivors to secure restoration of the patient cemetery inMilledgeville, Georgia, and was present when a representative from Georgia's Division of Mental Health/Mental Retardation/Substance Abuse made a public apology to consumer/survivors for the desecration ofpatient graves and the abuse and neglect of patients by the state system.There is still much work to do in the psychiatric liberation struggle but we have our day-to-day heroes who have been and continue to be committed to the We can no longer wait for the predominately white Leadership in a movement is all too often defined by who c/s/x movement to include is sitting on the dais or has the ear of the rich and powerful.
us as an addendum to their There were thousands of African-American activists who resisted history. We will have to psychiatric oppression on a daily basis, but many of them are lost write our own history to to us because they are not recorded in the official history.We celebrate our legacy of can no longer wait for the predominately white c/s/x movement to include us as an addendum to their history.We will have towrite our own history to celebrate our legacy of resistance.
Chapter II: Truth Telling: Giving Voice to Liberation "It is important that black people talk to one another; that we talk with friends and allies, for the telling ofour stories enables us to name our pain, our suffering and to seek healing." bell hooksSisters of the Yam Social critic bell hooks is an outspoken advocate of the need for African-Americans to engage in psychologicalhealing to address the legacy of slavery and the ongoing traumas related to being marginalized in Americansociety. She recognizes that the connections that we can make with each other and the repeated telling of ourtruths are forms of emotional healing.The collection of oral history puts the power to heal in all of our hands.
The initial phase of the In Our Own Voice project included interviews with twelve African-American psychiatric survivors.
The interviewees ranged in age from thirty-three to seventy-five The double minority years of age. Four of the interviewees were male and seven were status of gay/lesbian/ female.The majority of interviewees were raised in poor or working class backgrounds but three interviewees were raised individuals and the in middle-class households.Two of the interviewees identify as "Play it but don't say it" gay or lesbian. Five of the female interviewees identified as sexual homophobic attitude in abuse survivors.The interviewees lived in geographically diverseareas.The interview format was unstructured and people were the African-American invited to just talk about their lives and how their experience community makes for with being labeled mentally ill had affected them. In spite of an additional layer of the limited number of interviews collected in this phase of the trauma for this group project, it was important for us to ensure that the interview of psychiatric survivors. pool reflected as much of the diversity of the African-American community as possible. It was especially important to ensurethat the experiences of members of the gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgendered were incorporated into the project.
The double minority status of gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgendered individuals and the "Play it but don't sayit" homophobic attitude in the African-American community makes for an additional layer of trauma forthis group of psychiatric survivors.
The oral history project provides a unique opportunity for dialogue among the African-American psychiatric survivors and the wider community regarding the intersection of racism, classism, sexism, ageism, mentalism,and heterosexism.We may be in a unique position to offer guidance to the wider African-American communityregarding the deep and traumatic impact of oppression on our psyches.It is been my experience that psychiatricsurvivors have a greater ability to talk openly about our lives.This may be a by-product of the involuntarysharing in coercive therapy, the openness created through genuine therapeutic interactions or simply therelief, after frequent exposure to active ignoring in treatment facilities, at being able to tell our stories.Thefollowing excerpts were selected because they capture the experience of mental illness and oppression acrossseveral decades with interviewees who have been involved in the mental health system for over thirty years.
The interview with Ms. Clemons also allows African-American survivors a rare glimpse into the legacy oftrauma and mental illness left in the wake of racist oppression and the struggle for civil rights.
At age 70,Pearl Johnson is a leading African-American psychiatric survivor activist.She was born in Hollywood,Louisiana, a small town outside of Shreveport. Ms. Johnson described her childhood as being wealthybecause there was a garden with plenty of food but oil stoves and no running water. She described her earlyexperience with sexual molestation, physical violence and emotional harshness. It is with a different tonethat she describes her "jack rabbit" spirit that made her an excellent athlete and potential Olympic runner.
She described the culmination of parental pain and confusion that landed her in state custody at the age ofsixteen labeled an out of control child.The irony of the situation was that this was a child who was focusedon sports and athletic success. Once she found herself incarcerated in a juvenile facility in California, Pearlused those athletic skills to liberate herself and make her way to New York State. She was eventually arrestedon "white slavery" charges because a thirteen-year-old girl joined her in the breakout and they had movedacross the country together.At sixteen, Ms. Johnson had her first encounter with the mental health system.
Due to her constant crying she was labeled with depression. She eventually returned home to Californiaand the maternal violence resumed.This excerpt of the interview picks up where Ms. Johnson makes herdecision to leave home for good at age seventeen.
Ms. Johnson: I came back to California and started going through all of the same stuff.You look just
like your no good daddy and this and that. Getting beat….
Interviewer: By your mother…? Or by…?
Ms. Johnson: By my mother.And the last time she hit me
she had grabbed me like this…by my nose…and had a The most painful part of double-barrel shotgun and I hadn't done nothing.
Ms. Johnson's story is that Interviewer: How old were you, Pearl?
in all of her mental health treatment, the issue of Ms. Johnson: Seventeen…. So I ran…I really ran that time.
sexual and physical trauma I ran 'til I wound up in jails, hospitals, and institutions. I ran'til I started sleeping with a man and got pregnant…. I ran has never been addressed. 'til I started drinking wine.I ran 'til I got to become a thief.
I just ran.And I didn't stop running for fifty-one years. Untilhere lately. My life has been real, real, real, real, real rough. I don't know if I had shock treatments or not 'cause I went into a state of shock. In nineteen andfifty-three, I was arrested…I didn't know what for.They gave me twelve years in the statepenitentiary. I…I…I still don't know….Why so much time and I didn't have nothing on me?…Oh, lord…. [tearful] Interviewer: It's okay…just take your time…take your time, Pearl.
Ms. Johnson: A lot of that stuff that I seen today brought a lot of that back. [reference to c/s/x
consumer history slide presentation viewed prior to interview] One time I woke up and I did not have top teeth. I had top teeth but they were all broke up. I don't know if it was from shocktreatments or from me gritting or whatever. But anyway, they had to pull all of my teeth out.
Uhm… I've been a dope fiend….
Interviewer: What did you use?
Ms. Johnson: I used heroin…uhm…morphine…. Morphine was the real deal in those days. I had
sense enough to not use it with my children…when I was pregnant…. But all of the rest of thetime…. My children were taken from me.
Interviewer: How many children do you have?
Ms. Johnson: I had three. My oldest son was… My daughter just told me…. I blocked all of that
out. He got beat to death. Uh…he had things with his mind…. He had suicidal tendencies. Uh, hegot beat to death…he got beat with a lead pipe…and I watched him die for twenty-eight days.
Let's say it that way.
Ms. Johnson recounted several near death experiences and the suicide of several friends when she wasincarcerated. She was homeless during much of the fifty-one years she spent running.The most painfulpart of Ms. Johnson's story is that in all of her mental health treatment, the issue of sexual and physicaltrauma has never been addressed. She has been labeled with clinical depression and most recently withSchizophrenia, Paranoid Type. Ms. Johnson's story is ultimately a story of survival and commitment to sup-porting recovery that is hard to match.At the age of seventy, Ms. Johnson described herself as "just findingmyself." Ola Mae Clemons is a quiet, dignified woman who lives in an apartment on a quiet street in Albany, Georgia.
In1963 at the age of nineteen, Ola Mae Quarterman refused to sit on the back of the bus in that same town,and spent the next thirty days in jail.As she says,"I paid my damn dime…. I can sit where I want." She isknown as the "Rosa Parks of Albany."A dedicated civil rights activist, she spent the next two years involvedin civil rights organizing. She was expelled from Albany State University for her participation in civil rightsactivism. In1965, following a troubled marriage and the birth of her child, she experienced what she describedas a "nervous breakdown."At the age of twenty-one, Ms. Clemons ended up in Central State Hospital inMilledgeville, Georgia, were she remained for thirty-five years. It is notable that her extended stay occurredduring a period of massive deinstitutionalization, yet this quiet, nonviolent woman remained at the facility.
She missed out on raising her child, enjoying the changes that her activism created and the opportunity tomaintain connections with her activist friends. Ms. Clemons reports that she had nearly one hundred shocktreatments during her stay at the hospital.When asked about her time at Central State Hospital, Ms. Clemonsdescribed her time there as "exciting times" since she was a "volunteer" [voluntary] patient and had groundprivileges. Since her release from the hospital in 1998, she participates in day treatment and case managementservices and is frequently interviewed by the press regarding her civil rights history.
Interviewer: Kind of going back, one of the things I'm trying to understand, especially about the
African-American experience…. I hear a lot of different stories and everyone has their ownexperience, but as far as you know—in terms of your treatment—you said that you did not getshock…electric shock treatment…at all? Ms. Clemons: I did.
Interviewer: You did?
Ms. Clemons: I probably have taken more shock treatments than anybody else has ever had.
Interviewer: How…. Do you know how many?
Ms. Clemons: I think it's about ninety-something shock treatments. Or a hundred.
Interviewer: Wow.What do you remember about getting shock treatment?
Ms. Clemons: Well, I took mine knock out…. I took mine without medicine.
Interviewer: So you took yours with medicine or without….
Ms. Clemons: Without.
Interviewer: So you were awake?
Ms. Clemons: Right.And they knocked me out with the electricity.
Interviewer: And what do you remember after you woke up.
Ms. Clemons: Nothing. But when I went to get up and it knocked me unconscious.
Interviewer: Did it help?
Ms. Clemons: It did help…help for a while. It makes you have an appetite. It makes you relax. It
makes you forget all the problems you had.Your mind goes blank. But I would rather not take itbecause when my mind come back to it, I can remember my class work, my books I read. Myhomework…my church, my minister. But when you taken those you forget a lot of things.
Interviewer: So you lost some of your history taking the treatments.
Ms. Clemons: Right.
Interviewer: I hear a lot of that. It sounds like what you were experiencing was depression.
Ms. Clemons: Self-depression?
Interviewer: Is that what…. Do you know what your diagnosis is at all?
Ms. Clemons: Schizophrenia. Paranoid schizophrenia.
Interviewer: Okay. Hmm…. Because what you described sounds a lot like someone who's just really sad.
Ms. Clemons: [Laughter] It's sad. I hope I don't have to go through that again.
Interviewer: Did you…?
Ms. Clemons: Because next time I am marching with the whites. [laughter]
Ms. Clemons: The whites gonna have to march…. [laughter]
Interviewer: Your not going to do it by yourself this time, that's what you're saying?
Ms. Clemons: Right! I'm going to obey and be humble. [laughter]
Interviewer: You think you would be? If you really had it to do over again, would you be humble?
Ms. Clemons: I would. I sure would.
Interviewer: Where do you think we would be as a people?
Ms. Clemons: Where do I think we would be as a people?
Ms. Clemons: [unintelligible]
Interviewer: As Black people especially.
Ms. Clemons: I think we would hug up with the whites. [laughter]
At the end of the interview, Ms. Clemons makes the heart-breaking comment,"I guess I was the only one that cracked up."This statement highlights the danger of failing to look at It speaks to me of the context, especially the political and economic context of an evil of our political system, individual's life before they are labeled with mental illness. In and the psychiatric system my judgment, Ms. Clemons was a political prisoner, and her that often functions as its thirty-five years of incarceration in Central State Hospital had handmaiden, that at no more to do with her agitating for social justice than it ever had point in her treatment was to do with schizophrenia. She is a survivor in the truest sense of the word. How would her life have been different if she had the issue of her harassment, been able to participate in the "soul sessions" that Alvin abuse, and incarceration Poussaint, MD, and others created for civil rights activists to addressed as an act process the hatred and violence they were experiencing daily? of racism and repression (Poussaint personal interview).What if the civil rights leaders for her activism. Instead had been less fearful of embracing the wounded leaders and she is left feeling that workers and had not rendered these individuals invisible within if she had to do it over the movement? This was post-traumatic stress disorder withoutthe benefit of the "post," since the violence and threat of violence again she would "sit where was constant and unyielding. It speaks to me of the evil of our the man told me to sit".
political system, and the psychiatric system that often functions as its handmaiden, that at no point in her treatment was the issueof her harassment, abuse, and incarceration addressed as an act of racism and repression for her activism.
Instead she is left feeling that if she had to do it over again she would "sit where the man told me to sit." Quincy Boykin is a fifty-six-year-old African-American male from New York City who is a mental healthsurvivor activist. In his interview, Mr. Boykin described the impact of a one-year tour of duty in Vietnam in1965–66 and the drug use and depression that followed upon his return to his family. His story highlightsthe unique challenges faced by African-American males within the mental health system and Americansociety. How does American society's lack of permission for men, especially African-American men, to expressfeelings of sadness, helplessness and loss, contribute to the mental distress in men daily confronted withoppression and pain? Mr. Boykin's first contact with the mental health system was at the age of forty-six whenhe was picked up on the street and held in a psychiatric ward for three months. He recounts his anger at thefriend who arranged for his extended incarceration until a community-based placement could be found forhim. Mr. Boykin described the hospitalization and the after-care as a significant turning point that broke the cycle of twenty years of heroin abuse. He raised important questions about the misdiagnosis of African-Americans, especially Mr. Boykin talks about the males with substance abuse and trauma backgrounds, as having impact of his civil rights schizophrenia and embarking on often debilitating and useless activism in the late sixties treatment. Mr. Boykin also raised crucial questions regarding the and the cultural depression silence and shunning of individuals with mental illness withinAfrican-American families—even families that are otherwise of lost dreams. His story loving and supportive. He speaks with pride about maintaining provides a rare glimpse into his relationship with his own children in spite of his drug abuse the trauma created by a and trauma and makes visible the reality of survivors as parents, crushed and compromised husbands, children and activist. In his interview, Mr. Boykin talks revolution for black about the impact of his civil rights activism in the late sixties and liberation and wide-scale the cultural depression of lost dreams. His story provides a rare glimpse into the trauma created by a crushed and compromisedrevolution for black liberation and wide-scale societal transfor- mation. (Boykin, personal communication,11/22/2000) In Our Own Voice is a small beginning and we cannot possibly convey all of the rich voices of the intervie-wees in this resource guide. However, some themes were identified through the interviews that are in needof further exploration and elaboration.
The majority of the interviewees spoke of the importance of their spirituality in their recovery process. One
interviewee identified as Muslim, and the rest identified with some form of Christianity. My own spiritual
tradition incorporates African ancestor worship and is heavily influenced by the work of psychiatric libera-
tion activist, priestess and author Luisah Teish.At the worst moment of my depression, I created an altar to
reflect my intense pain and my hope for recovery.
Several people talked about the need to help religious institutions respond more effectively to mental health concerns.An interviewee who identifies as a lesbian recalls being subjected to a form of "exorcism"as a child to deal with perceived mental health issues and the sense for her family that "if you don't fix thisnow, you are going to have a lesbian on your hands."The depth of spiritual wounding that can occur whenan individual is cut off from his or her religious community or, even worse, when religion is used to furtherabuse people, is incredible. On the other hand, the power that spirituality has to heal and to restore a survivor'ssense of self and serve as a vehicle for reconnection to community is equally powerful.The documentaryDakar: When the Spirits Are Angry chronicles a healing ritual in Dakar, Senegal, during which a womansuffering from diabetes and emotional distress is treated by the local healer.There were many amazingevents that occurred in the course of this nearly week-long ritual, but what stood out for me most was that theentire community was involved in lending energy, through music, dance, cooking, prayer, to this woman'srecovery. Maybe community connection was the key to her healing.A local doctor noted,"The ritual isdesigned to cure the sick person and the community, which believes that [he or she] is sick." (Dakar,1999)The understanding that the community must be healed for the person to truly be well is a radical notionthat would be useful for modern psychiatry to consider. How can we draw on these traditions to create amodel of recovery for African-American psychiatric survivors? Family
A constant theme throughout the tapes was the challenge of
remaining visible as psychiatric survivors in our family systems.
The understanding that Many interviewees talked about the estrangement from theirfamilies due to embarrassment and shame about their mental the community must be health diagnosis.One interviewee talked about her desire to use her healed for the person to tape to initiate a discussion about mental illness in her family.Even truly be well is a radical in extremely supportive families there was a willingness to talk notion that would be about anything but the mental illness. Families were able to have useful for modern psychiatry weekly visits or phone calls to loved ones in the hospital yet still not to consider. How can we acknowledge the mental illness.The majority of the interviewees draw on these traditions to who address this issue directly seemed to accept invisibility assomething they had live with to maintain a connection with create a model of recovery their families.
for African-American A seventy-five-year-old African-American woman from the psychiatric survivors? northeast talked about her challenge in dealing with her mental illness in the face of her husband's controlling behavior.Althoughher husband was financially—and to large degree emotionally—supportive of her, his own confusion andshame about mental illness may have prevented him from allowing his wife to find her own path of recovery.
She noted that she resisted his demands that she should not take medication and began her recovery process.
This interviewee also spoke of the value of her "work family," which assisted her in maintaining employmentand independence as she struggled to deal with her mental illness.
Social Activism
The majority of interviewees were involved in some type of advocacy work related to psychiatric recovery
or other anti-oppression activities. Quincy Boykin and Pearl Johnson all spoke passionately about the value
of their activism as a recovery tool. Mr. Boykin and several other interviewees noted that they were raised
in politically active families or were engaged in social activism prior to their experience with a psychiatric
diagnosis. Ola Mae Clemons's story reminds us of the cost of social activisms and the need for us to view
the good health of our spirits and minds as tools for social change as well. Readers are encouraged to read
Sisters of the Yam: All About Love and Salvation: Black People and Love by African-American feminist cultural
critic bell hooks, for more discussion regarding the therapy and emotional health as revolutionary acts in
the African-American Community.
Oppression in all its Faces
The issue of oppression was a constant theme throughout the interviews, including class oppression and its
impact on the manifestation and treatment of mental illness.Sexism was an issue for males and females because
it contributed to the normalization of the sexual victimization of female survivors and served as a barrier to
males openly expressing their pain and distress. Heterosexism played out in the labeling and forced treatment
of individuals identified as gay and lesbian and the invisibility within the African-American community of
our gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgendered (GLBT) brothers and sisters.A lesbian psychiatric survivor described
her experience as a small child being subjected to an "exorcism" since her parents had been informed that
they would "have a lesbian on their hands" if they did not intervene immediately.When religious intervention
failed, the family resorted to the psychiatric system for assistance and initiated a four-decade-long process of
psychiatric oppression. I felt proud when the newly forming national organization of African-Americanpsychiatric survivors acknowledged the need to specifically identify our support of our GLBT brothers andsisters in our statement of purpose. I hope that we can avoid the pitfalls of so many liberation movementsby embracing and celebrating all African-American survivors.
A more detailed exploration of the experiences of African-American youth and elders is needed and those voices really need to be amplified because of the tendency to focus on the people most likely to be at thedecision making table—those between twenty-one and sixty. I believe that the African-American psychiatricsurvivor movement is in unique position to explore the intersections of these various forms of oppressionand use this knowledge to strengthen our movement and our communities.
The African-American The issue of violence, in various forms, is rarely discussed exceptto address the violence perpetrated by individuals diagnosed with psychiatric survivor mental illness. Significant themes within the interviews were movement is in unique physical, sexual and emotional violence which were rarely, if ever, position to explore the addressed within the clinical environment.The clarity with which intersections of these Pearl Johnson speaks of the violence that she experienced through- various forms of oppression out her life makes it all the more shocking that a therapist never and use this knowledge to followed this theme as a source of her depression and substance strengthen our movement abuse; it amounts to nothing less than malpractice.The largerissue of cultural violence in the form of the suppression and and our communities.
violation of our civil rights is also ignored in psychiatric literature but is an ever-present reality in our daily lives.How do we address these issues while avoiding yet another psychiatric label? If an entire group experiences symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder, when does it shift from being an individualized psychiatric disorder to a publichealth crisis that must be addressed at its root? Chapter III: Honoring Our Past, Celebrating Our Present and Protecting Our Future The value of historical preservation and oral history collection should be clear to everyone. However, it ispolitically and economically challenging to advocate for public funding for history projects at a time whenmental health prevention, clinical and residential programs are under-funded. Do we make history collectiona higher priority than agitating for the repeal of oppressive commitment and forced medication laws? Dowe even want to preserve such a horrible history of psychiatric abuses? If you had asked me my thoughts ayear ago, I probably would have quoted Mother Jones: "Pray for the dead and fight like hell for the living."But the past year has changed me from a mental health user/social worker into an amateur historian. Moreimportantly, it has radicalized me, made me briefly question whether there was a way to function ethically asa therapist (there is; many of the interviewees identified supportive clinicians who stood by them throughtheir recovery), and connected me to my own history.This issue is not whether a history is worth preservingbut who is in charge of the preservation effort. It is exciting to see the national movement to restore cemeteriesand collect survivor oral history.As African-Americans, we have to be involved in these historic preservationefforts.A recent article in the Columbia, South Carolina, Free Times described the plan to construct a drivingrange over the graves of as many as nineteen hundred African-American mental patients in Columbia, SouthCarolina.The World Golf Foundation and the Tiger Woods Foundation's First Tee program is designed toprovide children and communities access to golf who would otherwise would have little or no exposure tothe sport.The article quoted a seventy-two-year-old neighbor in the adjacent African-American neighborhoodas commenting,"I don't see what the fuss is all about. It cleans up an area in our neighborhood that hasneeded to be cleaned up since I was a child." (Cato, 2001) It is especially destructive to African-Americansto have our past pitted against our future or for economic development to come at the cost of a loss ofhuman dignity and reverence for our ancestors.
As African-American people we do not have the luxury of being forgetful or ignorant of our history.We have lost much, As African-American contributed even more and survived against all odds during our people we do not have sojourn in American.We now have an opportunity to reclaimsome of the lost parts of our history and ourselves.As psychi- the luxury of being forgetful atric survivors we have a unique opportunity to heal ourselves or ignorant of our history.
while offering a model of authentic healing to our community.
We have lost much, We are griots and the telling of individual stories opens the door to contributed even more reclaiming the truths about our communities and our collective and survived against all odds during our sojourn Through my work on this monograph, I learned many valuable lessons that I will share with other amateur historians in the hope that you will avoid some of my missteps. However,we each will have to find a way to reclaim our history based on the resources that we have available to use.
The beauty of historical research is that it need not cost much if anything.The In Our Own Voices projectconsisted of background research, which included a literature review, a more thorough review of several keybooks that are listed in the resource section and a review of original documents at Central State Hospital inMilledgeville, Georgia.The trip to Milledgeville was especially valuable to me because it helped me to connectwith the spirit of a place dedicated to the incarceration of the socially undesirable. It allowed me a chance to have conversations with African-American former staff members that were not recorded in the officialrecord. One of the more cynical observations I made during my visits to Milledgeville was that all of theAfrican-American wards that are still standing have been turned into prisons.
The most important lesson I learned during my research was to start with the oral history collection to help ground the The most important researcher in the importance and validity of the individual lesson I learned during voice. I will add that the first oral history that should be my research was to start collected should be your own story. I taped my story about with the oral history midway through the process and I was humbled by the collection to help ground difficulty of listening to my own tape. I had told the story of my depression and the related story of my sister's suicide the researcher in the in a number of settings but I was amazed at the power of importance and validity sitting down for forty-five minutes and telling my story of the individual voice. uninterrupted into a tape recorder.
Interview format
There are many strategies for collecting stories from individuals and each interviewer will develop his or her
unique style through trial and error with various interviewees. I highly recommend unstructured interviews
with minimal guidance other than to ask people to talk about their experiences with mental illness/mental
illness label.The interviewer should make it clear at the beginning if there are any time limitations so that the
interviewee can pace him/herself within the allotted time.When possible, I encourage follow-up interviews
to allow for deeper exploration and clarification of certain aspects of the story.
Pat Deegan, a psychiatric survivor/activist with a Ph.D. in clinical psychology, notes that it is important to let the stories unfold because the stories of our experiences as psychiatric consumers/survivors/ex-patientsare frequently trauma stories.(P. Deegan, personal communication, 7/8/2000) Trauma stories tend to unfoldin layers with frequent doubling-back to re-connect with another aspect of the personal history. Do notexpect the telling of a psychiatric story to emerge in a straightforward, linear fashion.Always honor the feelingsthat come up, and inform interviewees at the beginning of taping that they are free to pause or terminatethe interview at any time. It should be clear that the interviewee is in control of his or her historical materialduring the interview and in the future use of the oral history tapes.
If the interviewer prefers a more structured interview format, I can offer a few suggestions regarding introductory questions.The key to any interview is to be flexible and follow the lead of the interviewee. Ihave used some of the following questions during structured oral history interviews: 1. What is one thing that you love about yourself? 2. When were you first diagnosed with a mental illness? What were the circumstances of your diagnosis? 3. What experiences stand out most for you related to being labeled mentally ill? 4. What was your most positive experience with the mental health system? 5. What was your most negative experience with the mental health system? 6. How did /does your family and friends respond to your emotional crisis? 7. What helps you to heal? Have you ever used nontraditional (nonmedical model) interventions to support your recovery? 8. What, if any, impact did being African-American have on the manifestation of behaviors labeled as mental illness or your treatment? 9. Knowing what you know now, what would you do differently about your contact with the mental health system? 10.What do you feel is important for African-Americans to know about mental illness, treatment and recovery? A brief but powerful series of questions was offered by Pemina Yellowbird, author of Wild Indians: The UntoldStory of the Canton Asylum for Insane Indians.(P. Yellowbird, personal communication, 7/8/2000) As she andI discussed our respective history projects and ways to honor traditional methods of healing, Pemina notedthat healers in her tradition offer three core questions: 1. What happened to you? 2. How does what happened to you affect you now? 3. What do you need to heal? Aside from the value of these questions in eliciting oral history, imagine the healing power of these wordsif they were a routine part of a mental health interview.
I encourage individuals and groups working on oral history projects to experiment with a variety of questions to see which ones facilitate the sharing of stories without re-traumatizing individuals.At the endof an interview it is always important to debrief the interviewee and talk a little bit about how it felt to beinterviewed. I always offer interviewees the option of contacting me for further debriefing if they find thatthey continue to be troubled by the material discussed in the interview. It has been my experience thatinterviewees feel a sense of relief and validation at the end of an interview. Several interviewees noted that itgave them a chance to look at their experience from a different perspective. I provided all of the intervieweeswith a copy of their tapes to review prior to signing a release of information.
Payment for interviews
The issue of payment for interviews is a financial and ethical decision.The interviews conducted as part of
this project were voluntary and offered without financial compensation.However,many oral history projects do
provide a small stipend to compensate interviewees for their time.There is no way to adequately compensate
someone for his or her story and compensation in no way implies ownership of the final product. I believe
that interviewees should be fully informed regarding the possible use of their tape and sign a written consent
form outlining how the tape and transcript may be used in the future.
Voices of Allies in the Struggle
I encountered a challenge at the very beginning of this project when I had the opportunity to interview
an African-American man who had worked at Central State Hospital from1932 to 1972. J.C. Hogan
shared his story of witnessing the oppression of African-American patients and staff, his efforts to create a
humane environment for the one hundred African-American children on the ward where he worked, and the
desegregation of the hospital in1965. (Hogan, personal communication, 6/22/2000) How could I incorporate
the voices of the African-American staff without muting the voices of the psychiatric survivors? This work
is first and foremost the history of African-American psychiatric survivors. Future works will need to explore
the intersections of power, race, class, mental status in the complicated relationships of African-American
staff and patients.There is a deep and painful story to tell about the ways that people who wore our face were used as the tools How could I incorporate of day-to-day oppression.There are also powerful stories of the voices of the African- resistance and healing that came out of the shared experience American staff without of racism for survivors and staff.
muting the voices of the I remember a brief conversation with an African-American psychiatric survivors? woman who recently retired from Central State Hospital as shedescribed her horror at lining up female patients for shock treatment and her helplessness over the sterilization of African- American adolescent girls.As she spoke with me, an elderly white man entered the room and she whispered,"That's the shock doctor." I could barely contain my rage at this man and missed a valuable opportunity toget firsthand information regarding the eugenics program at the hospital.At that moment, there was notroom for his oppressive power in my history.These are some of the issues that need to be addressed as weembark on a full and honest telling of the psychiatric history of African-Americans.
Oral History Archives
I hope that this monograph will build on the existing oral history projects in New York, Massachusetts and
other states. Even if the existing projects are not exclusively devoted to capturing the experiences of African-
American people, we need to participate to ensure that our voices are amplified in the re-telling of psychiatric
history from a survivor perspective.We have to collaborate with our allies to create archives to preserve and
disseminate our stories of survival and recovery.Wherever you are right now, you can build on the process by
taping your own story, and creating opportunities to educate other survivors about the critical need to record
our history. Start with the elders because we could soon lose their voices, but do not neglect the stories of
young survivors who are a crucial thread in the weaving our collective story.
Oral History as Activism
Creating a place to tell our truths is an act of self-love,liberation and reclamation of our full history.As African-
American survivors we need to render ourselves visible to the psychiatric community,the historical community,
the c/s/x community,the wider African-American community and,most importantly,to ourselves.I first shared
my initial work on In Our Own Voice at a national c/s/x conference in Nashville,Tennessee, in October 2000.
I was moved by the words of an African-American male participant who stated that "This was the first
time that I have felt validated at one of these conferences." In that room, a new level of healing and energy
emerged as we began to grieve and celebrate our history.The group decided to gather later in that evening
to explore the formation of a national African-American survivor organization.The energy and leadership
for such an organization existed before we entered the workshop, but the sharing of our history provided a
deeper recognition of where we have been as people and what we need to do to continue the liberation process as African- Itt is important for us American psychiatric survivors.
to ground our political It is important for us to ground our political movements in a firm understanding of history because the forces of oppressionthat have so effectively silenced and separated us benefit from firm understanding our ignorance regarding our past abuses and successes.The of history because the medicalization of mental illness and confidentiality laws have forces of oppression that reduced our experiences with madness (as a mental illness and have so effectively as an expression of outrage) to an individual illness rather than silenced and separated part of a larger social and political response to oppression and us benefit from our invisibility. It is difficult to listen to the history of African- ignorance regarding our American survivors without feeling intense rage and profoundsadness.We can be torn apart or immobilized by these feelings past abuses and successes. or we can use them as a force to unite and mobilize us in our search for the truth, a past and present truth of our experiencesas African-American psychiatric survivors.
Chapter IV: In Search of Our History The exploration of African-American psychiatric history does not necessarily require you to travel.You canfind a significant amount of information at your local library and via the Internet. Since most survivors donot have lots of resources, we have to maximize the opportunities to conduct research in our own backyardsand to connect with other survivor/historians to build a body of information that accurately represents ourexperiences in the psychiatric system. I will highlight several local stories that need further exploration: Malaga Island (Maine)—This was the site of a racially mixed settlement founded in1794 and destroyed by
the state of Maine in1912 after its residents were declared feeble-minded and relocated to the Maine School
for Feeble-minded or other locations.The real motivation for the relocation was racism and land-grab. In a
final brutal act to obliterate the history of Malaga Island, the state destroyed all of the structures on the island
and exhumed the bones of the dead, placed them in five large caskets and reburied them on the grounds of
the state home. (Barry, 1980)
Rusk State Hospital (Texas)—In1919, this former prison was designated as the state hospital for the "Colored
insane." More information is needed about the history of the facility, including survivor perspectives on the
1955 uprising in the maximum security unit led by nineteen-year old Ben Riley.Any detail on Ben Riley's
life after the riot would be an important addition to African-American psychiatric history.
Colored Hospitals—We need to identify all freestanding facilities for the "colored insane."When I began
this project, I was aware of only two facilities, Eastern Hospital for the Colored Insane in Petersburg,Virginia,
and the Asylum for the Colored Insane in Goldsboro, North Carolina. I have since learned of other facilities
throughout the county. Check the history of your state to see if there were any segregated facilities.
Investigate the experiences of African-Americans in segregated facilities that house African-American andWhite
psychiatric survivors.After reading several reports about Central State Hospital in Georgia's colony farm, I
was shocked to find that it was operated exclusively with African-American labor after talking with a staff
member who worked at the institution for nearly forty years.The official records failed to note the race of
the patients producing all of the food for state hospital complex.
Psychosurgery—There is a need for extensive review of the U. S. government's funding of research into
psychosurgery.An Internet article on the brief history of the lobotomy noted that in1949, staff at Rusk State
Hospital in Texas (where Walter Freeman, the leading American proponent of lobotomies, had visited earlier
in the year) were planning 450 ice-pick lobotomies before the year was out. (Youngson and Schott1996)
In the1960s, J.O.Andy of University of Mississippi at Jackson conducted psychosurgery on African-Americanchildren as young as age five who were diagnosed as aggressive and hyperactive. (Breggin on-line reference).
Slave Narratives—A more careful review of existing slave narratives should be conducted to extract
information regarding mental illness and the treatment of "insane" slaves.We can also collect information
regarding the psychological impact of slavery and strategies used by slaves to deal with emotional distress.
Civil Rights Era—Ola Mae Clemons is not the only civil
rights activist to struggle with the emotional trauma of abuse The official African- and oppression.We need oral history accounts of the psycholog- American history ical trauma of oppression and resistance, including negative is reluctant to embrace impact of nonviolent responses to oppressive behavior. Dr.Alvin the individual emotional Poussaint noted in an interview with me in October 2000 thatcivil rights organizers used a variety of strategies, including "soul casualties of the civil sessions," debriefing and consciousness-raising discussions, to rights struggle. That support civil rights activists.The offcial African-American his- resistance to inclusion tory is reluctant to embrace the individual emotional casual- ties of the civil rights struggle. That resistance to inclusion warriors" must be of our "wounded warriors" must be addressed within the addressed within the African-American community.
Psychiatric Liberation Movement—African-American
survivors have always resisted oppression and we can no longer remain silent regarding the white-washing
of the official records of psychiatric liberation movement.We have to remind ourselves, and our white allies
in the struggle, of the contributions and resistance of African-Americans and other survivors of color.We
have to tell the stories of individual and collective struggles that never made the pages of the local newspa-
per or Madness Network News.African-Americans can use notices in local papers, Internet message boards
and flyers at consumer conferences to locate survivors who were engaged in individual and collective resis-
tance in the late sixties and early seventies. Recording the stories of these individuals allows us to "re-mem-
ber" our history as active participants in the psychiatric liberation movement.As Jill Nelson notes in her
collection of essays on Black women,"The truth is, each of us is the leadership, and as much as changes
were made by those whom we call heroes, they were made even more by everyday people who lived quiet
lives, often as second-class citizens, softly went about their business and, when asked, stood for what was
right." (Nelson,1997 p.16) We have to reclaim our voice and our experiences, because without them we will
continue to live dismembered lives that do not honor our power and our survival skills.
Slave Narratives—A more careful review of existing slave narratives should be conducted to extract
information regarding mental illness and the treatment of "insane" slaves.We can also collect information
regarding the psychological impact of slavery and strategies used by slaves to deal with emotional distress.
Civil Rights Era—Ola Mae Clemons is not the only civil
rights activist to struggle with the emotional trauma of abuse The official African- and oppression.We need oral history accounts of the psycholog- American history ical trauma of oppression and resistance, including negative is reluctant to embrace impact of nonviolent responses to oppressive behavior. Dr.Alvin the individual emotional Poussaint noted in an interview with me in October 2000 thatcivil rights organizers used a variety of strategies, including "soul casualties of the civil sessions," debriefing and consciousness-raising discussions, to rights struggle. That support civil rights activists.The official African-American his- resistance to inclusion tory is reluctant to embrace the individual emotional casual- ties of the civil rights struggle. That resistance to inclusion of our warriors" must be addressed within the "wounded warriors" must be addressed within the African- American community.
Psychiatric Liberation Movement—African-American
survivors have always resisted oppression and we can no longer remain silent regarding the white-washing
of the official records of psychiatric liberation movement.We have to remind ourselves, and our white allies
in the struggle, of the contributions and resistance of African-Americans and other survivors of color.We
have to tell the stories of individual and collective struggles that never made the pages of the local newspa-
per or Madness Network News.African-Americans can use notices in local papers, Internet message boards
and flyers at consumer conferences to locate survivors who were engaged in individual and collective resis-
tance in the late sixties and early seventies. Recording the stories of these individuals allows us to "re-mem-
ber" our history as active participants in the psychiatric liberation movement.As Jill Nelson notes in her
collection of essays on Black women,"The truth is, each of us is the leadership, and as much as changes
were made by those whom we call heroes, they were made even more by everyday people who lived quiet
lives, often as second-class citizens, softly went about their business and, when asked, stood for what was
right." (Nelson,1997 p.16) We have to reclaim our voice and our experiences, because without them we will
continue to live dismembered lives that do not honor our power and our survival skills.
The Internet is a crucial tool for conducting historical research.There are thousands of websites that can provideyou with surprising information regarding African-Americans, mental illness and resistance. Do not limityourself to one search engine (e.g.,Alta Vista,Yahoo,Ask Jeeves, etc.) since you could miss valuable links tosites that are not included in a particular search engine.
Internet searches are based on key words. I learned the hard way to release my sense of political correctness.
After entering variations of "African-Americans," "Black," "Mental Illness," and "Psychiatry" with limitedsuccess, I entered "Colored AND Insane AND Asylum" and found several hundred listings. If you areconducting historical research you will have to use the language of that period to pull up the documents.
Be sure to save sites under your favorites list so that you can return to them in the future.
I found it less useful to search with the word "Nigger" in the search string.This tends to pull up few legitimate sites but hundreds of hate group sites.We have enough to worry about as a people, so avoid thosesites if you can.
A few sites of interest were these:
A website highlighting the psychiatric oppression of African-Americans, this was created by the CitizensCommission on Human Rights, which is affiliated with the Church of Scientology.This well-documentedsite offers an overview of the experiences of African-Americans within psychiatric systems.
A very informative website created by the Spring Grove Hospital Center, this covers the history of theSpring Grove Hospital in Maryland.The site includes information regarding the Crownsville Hospital("colored insane") and the experiences of African-Americans at Spring Grove.The website includes pho-tographs and a photocopy of an intake assessment conducted on an African-American patient.
Giving a fairly detailed overview of slavery in America, this site provides important background informa-tion to assist consumers in understanding the social, political and economic context of the period as itapplies to psychiatric survivors.
Although disappointing due to the lack of references to the experiences of African Americans, this site doesprovide important background information of the evolution of the field of psychology.
This brief history of mental therapy compiled by Robert Meinsma prints out in ninety-two pages.The amazingchronology begins in the 6th Century BC and concludes in1990. Out of nearly one thousand entries, thereare five references to Africans or African Americans.This site is very worthwhile in its overview of theeugenics movement in Nazi Germany (imported from the United States) and psychosurgery in America.
This website is operated by the Center for the Study of Psychiatry and Psychology and provides a summaryof Dr. Peter Breggin's campaign against the U.S. government's various violence initiatives targeting African-Americans.
This website is sponsored by Support Coalition International and keeps up-to-date reports of human-rightsviolations in psychiatry including the court ordered, forced electroshock of Paul Henri Thomas—an African-American activist at New York's Pilgrim State Hospital.
Your local public library or African-American research library can be an excellent resource for locating
materials. Conduct a literature review to find out what materials are available on-site and what can be bor-
rowed through interlibrary loans.Again,be sure to use a variety of key words,including "Colored" and "Negro,"
to locate resource material.Amazon.com can be a useful tool for searching for books without any obligation
to buy them from the company.
I was surprised at how little information on mental illness was available at the local African-American research library. One of the librarians was very interested in my project and provided me with extraordinaryassistance but we still could not find very many books or articles on mental illness. I encourage readers tocheck out their local African-American museums and research institutions to confirm the representation ofAfrican-American psychiatric survivors in our historical archives.
I found the following books extremely helpful in my background research:
Bennett, Jr., Lerone. Before the Mayflower: A History of Black America. New York: Penguin Books,1985.
First published in the USA by Johnson Publishing Company, Inc.,1962.
Cranford, M.D., Peter. But for the Grace of God. Augusta, GA: Pyramid Press,1981.
Gamwell, Lynn, and Tomes, Nancy. Madness in America: Cultural and Medical Perceptions of Mental Illness before1914. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press,1995.
McCandless, Peter. Moonlight, Magnolias and Madness: Insanity in South Carolina from the Colonial Period to the Progressive Era. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,1996.
Poussaint, M.D.,Alvin, and Alexander,Amy. Lay My Burden Down: Unraveling Suicide and the Mental Health Crisis Among African-Americans. Boston: Beacon Press, 2000.
Teish, Luisah. Jambalaya: The Natural Woman's Book of Personal Charms and Practical Rituals.
San Francisco: Harper and Row,1985.
Many truths about the African-American experience first appear in fiction works. I am not real clear about
this phenomenon but I suspect that it is easier for African-Americans (and others) to see experiences through
the softening lens of fiction. It is also amazing that we can be reading about mental illness and psychiatric
oppression and totally miss it in the literature. I experienced this myself in reading Salt Eaters by Toni Cade
Bambara and Meridian by Alice Walker.
I struggled through multiple readings of both of these books until I read Sisters of the Yam: Black Women and Self Recovery by bell hooks, where she talks about the psychic wounding that occurs in the lives ofBlack women (hooks, Sisters of the Yam). I had to acknowledge that, in my attempts to block out the painand trauma that these fictional characters experienced, I had rendered the protagonists invisible. I just didnot see the mental illness, oppression and trauma.This speaks to a larger psychological strategy of denial todeal with information and events that overwhelm us as a people.The following books are useful resourcesin exploring who mental illness among African-Americans is addressed in fiction, which is a useful barom-eter of cultural acknowledgement of an issue.
Bambera,Toni Cade. Salt Eaters. New York: Vintage Books,1980.
Cleage, Pearl."Bourbon at the Border." Flying West and Other Plays. Theatre Group Communications,1999.
Naylor, Gloria. Linden Hills. New York: Penguin Books,1986.
Perry, Phyllis Alesia. Stigmata. New York: Anchor Books,1998.
Walker,Alice. Meridian. New York: Washington Square Press,1976.
It would be useful to conduct a review of African-American magazines to explore how mental illness isaddressed within our communities. I noticed an advertisement in an Ebony magazine from the early1970sfor Miles‚ Nervine that "helps calm his jangled nerves." Obviously there was a market for the product withinthe African-American community for an ad to run in Ebony magazine. I had never heard of the medicationbefore but a reference librarian noted that she remembered a family member using the medicine when shewas younger. Magazine articles can provide a vital background regarding the context of African-Americanlives (or at least a segment of the community) during a given period.
I hope that these resource materials provide readers with a useful starting point for your research.There is so much information that we have yet to uncover but the work has begun and is being taken up by moreand more survivors every day.We have to ensure that the rich African-American experience in psychiatricoppression and our ability to recover and heal against all odds in recorded for future generations.As Icompleted this monograph, I had a chance to talk with Pearl Johnson, who shared with me that she hadwatched the videotape of her interview several times and continues to be moved by what she shared on thetape and what she has remembered since our interview.I am struck by the profound connection that I feel withthis gentle warrior and her courage in the face of potentially soul killing trauma and psychiatric victimization.
Pearl and I fantasize about a convening a gathering of African-American women psychiatric survivors to shareour stories, offer support and celebrate our existence. She reminds me of the critical value of our history as abalm to heal, as a strategy to organize resistance and as a bold liberatory move to render us visible. I offer thismonograph as a belated seventy-first birthday present for Pearl in appreciation of the lessons that she sharedwith me on the art of survival. In the words of Alice Walker, " Rest. In peace in me the meaning of our livesis still unfolding. Rest." Associated Press."Man wrongly placed in mental hospital dies." Charlotte Observer., March 21, 2001.
Barry,William David."The Shameful Story of Malaga Island," Down East Magazine,1980, p. 53–86.
Bennett, Lerone, Jr. Before the Mayflower: A History of Black America. Penguin USA, 1993.
Breggin, Peter R. Campaigns Against Racist Federal Programs by the Center for the Study of Psychiatry and Psychology. Retrieved 7/8/2000 from http://www.breggin.com/racistfedpol.html Breggin, P.R. & Breggin, G.R.The War Against Children of Color: Psychiatry Targets Inner City Youth. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press,1998.
Cartwright, Samuel. "Slavery in Light of Ethnology." Cotton is King and Pro-Slavery Arguments. E.N.
Elliott, L.L.D., Ed. Augusta, GA: Pritchard,Abbott & Loomis,1860.
Cartwright, Samuel. Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race. Africans in America online citation, retrieved 3/14/2001 from http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part4/4h3106t.html Cranford, Peter, G. But for the Grace of God: Milledgeville! 2nd ed.Atlanta: Georgia Consumer Council, 1981/1998. (GCC, #2 Peachtree Street, Suite 23-411,Atlanta, GA 30303) Dakar: When Spirits Are Angry. Videotape directed by Catherine Clement abd Philippe Constantini,1999.
Gamwell, Lynn and Nancy Tomes. Madness in America: Cultural and Medical Perceptions of Mental Illness before1914. Ithaca: Cornell University Press,1995.
Cohen, Richard, and Rafferty, Kevin. Hurry Tomorrow. Film distributed by Hound Dog Films, P.O. Box1012,Venice, CA 90291.
Freeman, Walter. Brief History of Lobotomy.1997, 3/2001Freeman and lobotomies. Retrieved 3/1/2001 Lloyd, O.B., Jr."Ex-Austinite Proves Hero of Rusk Riot." The Austin Statesman. April17,1955.
Mason, B.J."New Threat to Blacks: Brain Surgery to Control Behavior—Controversial Operations Are Coming Back As Violence Curbs." Ebony 1973, February, p. 63–72.
Meinsma, Robert. Brief History of Mental Therapy. Retrieved 3/1/2001 from McCandless, Peter. Moonlight, Magnolias and Madness: Insanity in South Carolina from the Colonial Period to the Progressive Era. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1996.
Nelson, Jill. Straight, No Chaser: How I Came to be a Grown-up Black Woman. New York: G.P. Putnam's Powell,T.O."A Sketch of Psychiatry in Southern States." Presidential Address, American Medico- Psychological Association. Baltimore: May1879.
Powell,T.O."Insanity and Tuberculosis in the Southern Negro Since1860,Their Alliance and Some of the Supposed Causes."Augusta, GA: Richard and Shaver Printers, 1895.
Rush, Benjamin. Medical Inquiries and Observations Upon the Disease of the Mind. New York: Hafner Sitton, Sarah C. Life at the Texas State Lunatic Asylum1857–1997. College Station: Texas A&M University Spring Grove on-line citation. Retrieved 4/2/2001 from Street,W.R.A chronology of Noteworthy Events in American Psychology. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Retrieved 1/31/2001 from http://www.cwu.edu/ warren/addenda.html Teish, Luisa."That Nigger's Crazy." Madness Network News,Vol 3:5, March1976.
Teish, Luisa. Jambalaya: The Natural Woman's Book of Personal Charms and Practical Rituals. San Francisco: Harper and Row,1985.
Thompson, James Lawrence. Of Shattered Minds: Fifty Years at the South Carolina State Hospital for the Insane.1934–1989. (Copies are available from the South Carolina Department of Mental Health,Office of State Commissioner, P.O. Box 485, Columbia, South Carolina 29202) Walker, Alice. Her Blue Body Everything We Know. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,1991.
Youngson, Robert, and Schott, Ian. Medical Blunders. New York University Press,1996.

Source: http://dsmc.info/pdf/voices.pdf

Metformin effects on dipeptidylpeptidase iv degradation of glucagon-like peptide-

Biochemical and Biophysical Research Communications 291, 1302–1308 (2002) doi:10.1006/bbrc.2002.6607, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on Metformin Effects on Dipeptidylpeptidase IV Degradationof Glucagon-like Peptide-1 Simon A. Hinke,* Kerstin Ku ¨ hn-Wache,† Torsten Hoffmann,† Raymond A. Pederson,* Christopher H. S. McIntosh,* and Hans-Ulrich Demuth†,1†Probiodrug Research, Biocenter, Weinbergweg 22, D-06120 Halle (Saale), Germany; and*Department of Physiology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Z3


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